the Atlantic Convention of NATO Nations, was to be the institutional manifestation of this vision. With its Permanent High Council, Secretariat and Assembly the Atlantic Convention was however too ambitious for the times. These efforts are in themselves indicative both of the primacy at this time of Cold War security concerns and of the fact that an economic entity comprised of the same nations was premature and indeed decades in the future. Also premature was inclusion of Africa or Latin American in a trans-Atlantic structure.
In explaining the Clinton administration's concept of a "New Atlantic Community," U.S. Assistant Secretary of State John C. Kornblum spoke of "productive bilateral relationships with European countries," and noted that "the New Atlantic community reflects the ideal envisioned by George Marshall nearly 50 years ago, of a truly integrated Europe from the Atlantic to the Urals." While he gave extensive coverage to U.S.-EU cooperation in Bosnia and to the need to expand cooperation into Eastern Europe, the "Euro-Atlantic marketplace" was accorded 3 inches in a five page, single spaced paper and neither Latin America nor Africa were mentioned.xi This is clearly indicative of the extent to which government at the national level remains fixed on strategic concerns, even after the end of the Cold War and the removal of the barriers between Eastern and Western Europe. This in the face of considerable increase in trade and investment relations which have more closely knit together all of the peoples bordering on the Atlantic Ocean and in spite of the active interaction of firms, other private sector entities (NGOs), and sub-national levels of government. The contrast between the two conceptualizations is striking and is indicative of the transformation of relationships that is overtaking the area.
The EU has signed similar agreements with the United States and with Canada under the rubric of a "Transatlantic Partnership." While these documents are largely focused on security concerns, such as cooperation in the Balkans and integration of Eastern European states into the institutions of the West, they raise interesting notions as in a Transatlantic Information Society, the TransAtlantic Business Dialogue, and cooperative agreements on science and technology and on educational vocational training, and the New Transatlantic Marketplace. Only the future will reveal what substance can be added to these concepts. These initiatives will be discussed in greater detail below.
There is considerable controversy, which stands in the way of realization of what could be very useful initiatives. Unfortunately, the EU is currently occupied with introduction of the Euro and the conflict between deepening and broadening, that is, between the twin objectives of institutional reform to further the Maastricht process and the desire to extend some form of membership to several states in Eastern Europe. For its part, the United States Congress is quite divided on the issue of granting fast-track authority in trade liberalization negotiations to the President. Thus, while Canada exhibits considerable interest and commitment to substantive discussions between North America and the EU, neither the U.S. nor the EU is in a position to make commitments other than on security issues. At this moment, it still is the case that Africa and Latin America are excluded from this discussion, although as will be shown below both North America and the EU have been pursuing their own programs of reaching out to the South. This suggests that, as Brebner found during the previous two centuries, there is an enormous potential for sub-national governments and private or