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Presidential Capital and the Supreme Court - page 14 / 21

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Timothy R. Johnson and Jason M. Roberts

TABLE 2

Ideological Distance between Nominee and Filibuster Pivot

2.35* (.79)

Ideological Distance between Court Median and Filibuster Pivot

2.84* (1.27)

Ideological Distance between President and Filibuster Pivot

5.08* (3.18)

Presidential Approval at time of Nomination

-2.92* (1.87)

Nominee Qualifications

.25 (.46)

Years Remaining in Office For President

.88 (.84)

Year of Nomination

.06* (.01)

Natural Log of Time Between Nomination and Senate Action

2.70* (.97)

Generalized Event Count Regression Model of a President’s Public Invocation of Political Resources

Intercept

Gamma Estimatea

Log-Likelihood Number of Cases

  • -

    116.31*

(24.41)

.92* (.35)

405.55 28

Variable

Coefficient (Standard Error)

a A significant gamma indicates that the model is overdispersed.

  • *

    = p < .10.

presidents make to support their nominees ranges from a low of 1.43 to a high of 6.16 as the distance increases between the nominee and pivotal Senator. In other words, presidents who nominate someone who is ideologically distant from the Senate are almost five times as likely to go public to fight for their chosen nominee. Similarly, the predicted number of public statements varies from 2.34 to 6.45 as the distance between the current Court median and the pivotal Senator increases from its lowest to highest observed value. Thus, presidents invoke almost three times as many public statements when their nominee will not move the Court median ideologically closer to the pivotal Senator. Finally, the predicted number of public statements varies from a low of 2.16 to a high of 4.76 as the distance between the president and the pivotal Senator moves from its minimum to its maximum value.

Instances of specific behavior by presidents further buttress the empirical results presented in Table 2. Most of these accounts demonstrate that the use of

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