Pre-publication draft; please do not quote or circulate. P. Gray, Play in Hunter-Gatherers p 31
47 Discussions of such religious flexibility and tolerance among hunter-gatherers are found in Endicott, Batek Negrito Religion; Gould, Yiwara (1969), & Guenther, “From Totemism to Shamanism.”
48 Thomas. Harmless People, 245.
49 Turnbull, Forest People.
50 Examples are found in Endicott, Batek Negrito Religion; and in Tsuru, “Diversity of Ritual Spirit Performances.”
51 John Gowdy, “Hunter-Gatherers and the Mythology of the Market,” in R.B. Lee & R. Daly (Eds.), The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Hunters and Gatherers (1999), 391-398.
52 These estimates come from quantitative studies conducted among the Ju/wasi and among various Australian Aborigines, referred to respectively by Lee, Dobe Ju/’hoansi, and Marshall Sahlins, Stone Age Economics (1972). Less formal observations, among other hunter-gatherer groups, consistent with these estimates are found in: P. Bion Griffin & Marcus B. Griffin, “Fathers and Childcare among the Cagayan Agta,” in B. Hewlett (Ed.), Father-Child Relations: Cultural and Biosocial Contexts (1992), 297-320; Rowley-Conwy, Hunter-Gatherers, 39-72; and Turnbull, Forest People. However, a higher estimate—of about 5 to 6 hours per day of work—has been reported regarding the Aché, by Hill, “Altruistic Cooperation During Foraging by the Aché,” 114.
53 Sahlins, Stone Age Economics.
54 Marjorie Shostak, Nisa: The Life and Words of a !Kung Woman (1981), 10.
55 LouisLiebenberg, The Art of Tracking: The Origin of Science (1990).
56 Alf Wannenburgh, The Bushmen (1979), 41.
57 Hillard Kaplan, Kim Hill, Jane Lancaster, & A. Magdalena Hurado, “A Theory of Life History Evolution: Diet, Intelligence, and Longevity,” Evolutionary Anthropology, 9, (2000), 156-185.
58 Ibid. Also, John Bock, “What Makes a Competent Adult Forager?” in B. S. Hewlett & M. E. Lamb (Eds.), Hunter-Gatherer Childhoods: Evolutionary, Developmental, and Cultural Perspectives (2005), 109-128.
59 Wannenburgh, Bushmen, 30.
60 Endicott, Batek Negrito Religion, 16.
61 This point is made most explicitly, for the Ju/’hoansi, by Thomas, Old Way.
62 For comments on the rarity of the long-term shirking of work and the apparent lack of sanctions for it, see: Endicott, “Property, Power, and Conflict among the Batek,” 118; and Kristen Hawkes, “Why Hunter-Gatherers Work: An Ancient Version of Public Goods,” Current Anthropology, 34 (1993), 341-361.
63 For a general review of hunter-gatherer childcare practices, see Melvin Konner, “Hunter-Gatherer Infancy and Childhood,” in B. S. Hewlett & M. E. Lamb (Eds.), Hunter-Gatherer Childhoods: Evolutionary, Developmental, and Cultural Perspectives (2005), 19-64. Also relevant here is a statistical study showing a strong correlation between the degree to which a culture’s subsistence depended on immediate-return hunting and gathering and the degree to which its childcare practices were directed toward self-assertion rather than obedience—Herbert Barry, Irvin Child, & Margaret Baron, “Relation of Child Training to Subsistence Economy,” American Anthropologist, 61 (1959), 51-63.
64 Gould, Yiwara (1969), 90. It should be noted, however, that physical punishment has been observed, though rarely, in some hunter-gatherer societies, including the Hazda and the Mbuti, as documented respectively by Nicholas Blurton Jones, “The Lives of Hunter-Gatherer Children,” in M. E. Pereira & L. A. Fairbanks (Eds.), Juvenile Primates: Life History, Development, and Behavior (1993), 308-326; and by Turnbull, Forest People (1968).