Pre-publication draft; please do not quote or circulate. P. Gray, Play in Hunter-Gatherers p 32
65 Yumi Gosso, Emma Otta, Maria de Lima, Salum Moralis, Fernando Ribeiro, & Vera Bussab, “Play in Hunter-Gatherer Societies,” in A. D. Pellegrini & P. K. Smith (Eds.), The Nature of Play: Great Apes and Humans (2005), 218.
66 Jean Liedloff, The Continuum Concept, Revised Edition (1977), 90.
67 Lee Guemple, Teaching social relations to Inuit children, in T. Ingold, D. Riches, & J. Woodburn (Eds.), Hunters and Gatherers 2 (1988), 137.
68 Thomas, Old Way (2006), 198.
69 Ibid. 198-199.
70 Shostak, Nisa (1981).
71 Ibid. Also, Endicott, “Property, Power, and Conflict among the Batek,” 122; and Gilda Morelli, personal communication regarding the Efé.
72 The ten researchers who responded to our survey (to whom I am immensely grateful) and the cultural groups they studied are: Bruce Knauft, who studied the Gabusi, of Papua, New Guinea; P. Bion Griffin and Agnes Estioko-Griffin, who studied the Agta; Karen Endicott, who studied the Batek; Paula Ivey and Robert Bailey, who studied the Efé; Alan Bernard, who studied the Nharo, of southern Africa; Nancy Howell and Patricia Draper, who studied the Ju/’hoansi; and John Bock, who studied the Okavango Delta Peoples, of Botswana.
73 Draper, in R. B. Lee & I. DeVore (Eds.), Kalahari Hunter-Gatherers (1976), 210 & 213. Other support for the general conclusion that hunter-gatherer children are free to play nearly all of their waking time includes Gosso et al., “Play in Hunter-Gatherer Societies,” 213-253; Lorna Marshall, The !Kung of Nyae Nyea (1976); Shostak, Nisa; and Turnbull, Forest People.
74 Blurton Jones, “The Lives of Hunter-Gatherer Children.” Also, Nicholas Blurton Jones, Kristen Hawkes, & Patricia Draper, “Differences Between Hazda and !Kung Children’s Work: Original Affluence or Practical Reason?” in E.S. Burch Jr. & L. J. Ellanna (Eds.), Key Issues in Hunter-Gatherer Research (1994), 189-215.
75 For example, Nobutaka Kamei, “Play among Baka Children in Camaroon,” in B. S. Hewlett & M. E. Lamb (Eds.), Hunter-Gatherer Childhoods: Evolutionary, Developmental, and Cultural Perspectives (2005), 343-359.
76 For discussion of the relationship of children’s play to adult activities in a specific hunter-gatherer culture, see Kamei, “Play among Baka Children,” 343-359.
77 Colin Turnbull, “The Ritualization of Potential Conflict Between the Sexes among the Mbuti,” in E. Leacock & R. Lee (Eds.), Politics and History in Band Societies (1982), 133-155.
78 Peter Gray & Jay Feldman, “Playing in the Zone of Proximal Development: Qualities of Self-Directed Age Mixing between Adolescents and Young Children at a Democratic School,” American Journal of Education, 110 (2004), 108-145.
79 Brian Sutton-Smith & John M. Roberts, “The Cross-Cultural and Psychological Study of Games,” in G. Lüschen (Ed.), TheCross-Cultural Analysis of Sport and Games, (1970).
80 Marshall, !Kung of Nyae Nyea (1976), 313-362.
81 Turnbull, “Ritualization of Potential Conflict,” 142-143.
82 For discussions of self-handicapping and avoidance of dominance in primate play fighting, see: Donald Symons, Play and Aggression: A Study of Rhesus Monkeys (1978); and Maxeen Biben, “Squirrel Monkey Playfighting: Making the Case for the Cognitive Training Function for Play,” in M. Bekoff & J. A. Byers (Eds.), Animal Play: Evolutionary, Comparative, and Ecological Perspectives (1998).
83 The idea that juvenile play among animals promotes practice of survival skills was first developed fully by Karl Groos, The Play of Animals (1898). It has been supported by much research since. For a review of evidence that adult-adult play among primates may serve social bonding functions, see Sergio M. Pellis & Andrew N. Iwaniuk, “Adult-Adult Play in Primates: