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(Klak 1999, p100), but otherwise leaving as much as possible to market forces. Unfortunately, progress in this area has not been even, with privatisation schemes not always being effectively carried through, and with major problems for these economies as they are de-regulated, e.g. for the private banking systems of Mexico and Argentina. Likewise, privatisation also tends to create at least temporary increases in unemployment, e.g. over 110,000 workers were dismissed in the privatisation drive in Argentina (Lora & Panizza 2002, p21). It seems likely that many of these were pushed into the informal sector (Lora & Panizza 2002, p21), and in effect will receive lower wages and become relatively under-employed, and least in the short and medium term. Although defensible in term of long term gains, this trend indicates the possibility that rapid economic reform can generate new cycles of political turmoil, which eventually makes the ongoing economic reform process itself unsustainable (see Lora & Panizza 2002). Thus, in the case of Argentina, though it seemed to be one of the most progressive in terms of economic reform (including trade liberalisation, financial reform, privatisation, labor market reform, though not in the area of effective tax reform), the country still went through a massive currency crisis that spilled over into political crisis through 2001-2002 (see Lora & Panizza 2002, pp2-3). Problematic areas included difficulties in tax reform, and the elimination of corruption from privatisation schemes. Thus, public perception of reform, especially among the middle classes, became more negative: -

Dissatisfaction with the economic situation pervades the region. According to a Latinbarometer public opinion survey of 17 countries in the region, two of every three Latin Americans believe that economic conditions are bad or very bad, only one in four believes that the economy will improve in the future, and three of every four believe that poverty has increased in the last five years. (Lora & Panizza 2002, p8)

3) Although there has been a renewed social awareness of the rights and needs of indigenous people, and some selective efforts to help native languages survive in a secondary role, this has not translated in large-scale sustainability of native peoples economically and socially. In general, 'urbanization in Latin America is engulfing or liquidating the rural and provincial', and Indian cultures are only likely to operate strongly in parts of the Andes, southern Mexico, and Guatemala (Skidmore & Smith 2001, p420), and in a more fractured way in small pockets of the Amazon. However, indigenous groups have been able to mobilise grass roots and international attention to a wide range of social and ecological problems that need better management within Latin America as a whole. These movements have been particularly important in Ecuador and Bolivia (Sader 2003; Barthélémy 2003), as well as of great significance in Mexico and Guatemala. One example of this have been indigenous protests against a new development plan, the 'Puebla-Panama' Plan (PPP), that has been viewed as a new form of colonialism, constructing 'a vast network of roads and communication networks, several power plants and extensive tourism projects' (Ecologist 2002). This plan is part of a Central American 'infrastructural development plan designed to prepare the region for the Central American Free Trade Agreement'  (Engler 2003), plus reduce the impact of the Chiapas rebellion on the southern areas of Mexico. Lack of consultation and negative

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