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of governments or of electorates in democracies.  Instead, the courts apply a narrow version of the trusteeship model (IIb), asking whether the power-wielders performed the duties of their offices faithfully in a limited sense:  whether they obeyed the law. Legal accountability has long been important in constitutional democracies, and has become increasingly important in world politics during recent years (Goldstein et al., 2001).  The WTO Dispute Settlement Mechanism, the operations of the Hague Tribunal on the Former Yugoslavia, and the creation of a new International Criminal Court, all illustrate the incursions that conceptions of legal accountability have made in world politics.

Market accountability is a less familiar category, but an important one. We want  to emphasize that this form of accountability is not to an abstract force called “the market,” but to investors and consumers, whose influence is exercised in whole or in part through markets. Investors may stop investing in countries whose policies they dislike, or at least demand higher rates of interest (Mosley 2003).  Consumers may refuse to buy products from companies with bad reputations for labor standards or other practices, as well as from companies with inferior or costly products.

Peer  accountability arises as the result of mutual evaluation of organizations by their counterparts, to which they have undertaken obligations such as those of reciprocity. NGOs, for example, evaluate the quality of information they receive from other NGOs, and the ease of cooperating with them.   Organizations that are poorly rated by their peers are likely to have difficulty in persuading them to cooperate, and therefore to have trouble achieving their own purposes.

Public reputational accountability. In a sense, this category could be misleading, because reputation is involved in all the other forms of accountability.  Superiors,

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