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Her. The ‘Ina’ in the Blessed Virgin Mother and the Sagrada Familia are indeed closely linked to the Filipino family. The Nuestra Seňora de Manaoag as the ‘Ina’ and ‘Apo Baket’ among Pangasinan and Iluko folk is the effervescence of hope and love. She is the perpetual ‘Ina’ especially of the poor and needy.

Appearing on a hill, the narrative of apparition renews earlier notions of sacred places, however, negotiated upon by the construction of a church, thus expanding the scope of the ‘sacred’ and the ‘holy’ from the natural landscape to the imposing fachada of the Shrine. This historia de la aparicion observed to flourish in medieval narratology and said to contain primordial appeal is less of a universalist Catholic phenomenon than an articulation of humanity that is perpetually in bondage. The two versions of the Nuestra Seňora’s beginnings reflect the polarized worldview and predisposition of the church and the folk. The official version was inspired by the evangelical obligation to protect and promote early Christian settlements while the folk version was compelled by historical circumstances of Christianization. Yet, the folk version with its emphasis on the historia de la aparicion is intoned, reproduced and propagated even by the church for its popular and perhaps, primordial appeal. With this seeming approbation of the church, the folk version, thus contain both the ecclesiastical discourse on Christianization and the folk discourse on appropriation. Like in the icon of the Nuestra Seňora, its narrative proved to be another important site of negotiations between Judeo-Christianity and the Manag-anito tradition, a powerful cultural interface between Spain and the Philippines.

This inevitable church’s approbation of folk appropriation of the Nuestra Seňora is best captured through the fiducial character of the Blessed Virgin’s canonical celebrations. The indescribable jubilation among the faithful approximating the wild and the exotic especially during the actual coronation of the Blessed Virgin outside of church’s premises, can either be understood as the unleashing of suppressed energies or reminiscent of ancient manag-anito’s ritual practices. Academic lens look at it as a study on ethnology where behavior of native converts shift from the somber to the chaotic once a religious image is taken out of the church. For lo and behold, the image becomes a possession of the multitude rather than a property of the church.

But the most significant consequence of the iconography and narrativity of the Nuestra Seňora is the revitalization of the manag-anito’s healing tradition through the Nuestra Seňora as the main source of potency and spiritual powers. This did not only preserve the performance of healing rituals but even spawned religious movements, monuments and healing ministries. From the Guardia de Honor de Maria and its antecedent Los Agraviados, to the Crusaders of the Divine Church of Christ and to Sister Adela Healing Ministry, the history of Pangasinan’s religious tradition has never been inadequate and unexciting.

The Cattle Caravans of Ancient Caboloan

Caravan cultures throughout the world depict stories of real journeys, discoveries and exploits. They also account for the construction of local histories, territories and market societies. At best, caravan routes map the geoeconomic and the ethnohistoric trail

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