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Nuptiality in Latin America

can only be performed on a sub-group of all the people, generally 75 percent

or

so

of

them

only

selected

because

of

their

“relationship

to

head.”

What

bias this might entail in representing the entire sample has to be an open

question.

The

listed

in

Table

proportion

2.

Here,

of

I

the

entire

sample

included

compute

correlations

between

in

the

heads

analysis

is

and

spouses

of

heads for in-union women 20-24 years old by type of union for this sub-group.

Table 2 that among young women

20-24 who were in a un

household, those unions tended

to be socially (educat

whether they were in formal mar

riages or consensual u

tended to be somewhat more so i

n formal marriage than

That is, whereas the correlatio

n between the man’s an

ranged from .33 (Paraguay) to .

61 (Panama) among thos

it ranged from .53 (Chile) to .

71 (Ecuador) for those

The difference seemed greatest

in Paraguay, where the

for those in a consensual union

was .33 compared with

formal marriage, and smallest i

n Panama where the cor

consensual union was .61 compar

ed with .66 for those

TABLE 2 ABOUT HERE

in a formal marriage.

relation for those in a

.59 for those in a

education correlation

in a formal marriage.

e in a consensual union,

d woman’s education

in a consensual union.

nions.

However,

they

ionally) homogamous

In general and as one migh

t expect, it appears f

rom the figures in

ion and co-headed a

CONCLUSION

Deeply entwined in Latin America’s social system is a nuptiality pattern

in which there have been rather stable formal marriages, at least for public

record,

and

informally

rather

unstable

consensual

unions.

Although

most

25

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