X hits on this document

PDF document

Nuptiality in Latin America: - page 6 / 49

147 views

0 shares

0 downloads

0 comments

6 / 49

Nuptiality in Latin America

topic

outside

most

demographers’s

scope.

A

big

point

was

made

tracing

the

contribution of a later female age at marriage to fertility decline in East

Asia (e.g., Cho and Retherford 1974; Mauldin and Berelson 1978) but again, it

was a female demographer, Karen Mason, who made a point of exploring the

relation

between

women’s

status

and

fertility

decline

there.

In

a

recent

collection of articles on the fertility transition in Latin America, Rosero-

Bixby (1996) inquires about the degree to which changes in marriage patterns

might help explain the general fertility decline, but how changes in marriage

patterns might be related to women’s status there was outside the scope of his

study.

Likewise,

demographic

interest

in

union

type

in

Latin

America

is

usually limited to the issue of its effect on fertility, asking for instance

whether being married or in a consensual union leads to higher fertility (e.g.

Chen et al. 1974; Henriques 1979, 1989; Juarez 1989).2

A preoccupation with fertility as the reason to study nuptiality or union

formation along with the oft-unspoken assumption that a woman decides her own

fertility and/or use of contraception, resulted in many demographers

concentrating on only half the married population--the women--thus further

separating demographic study from studies that would naturally consider both

elements

in

a

marriage.

For

instance,

demographers

developed

clever

ways

to

measure fertility in the past or its “proximate determinants,” including use

of Im (an indicator of level of marriage) and Cm (the proportion of women

married) (Bongaarts 1978; Coale and Treadway 1986), measures that concentrate

on

women.

Beside

a

general

bias

in

reproductive

study

toward

the

female

(human

or

not),

there

is

a

reason

for

this

limited

concentration.

That

reason

is

sometimes

called

the

“two-sex”

problem

(Keyfitz

1987).

Our

mathematical

and statistical models and methods can deal satisfactorily with only one unit

at

a

time,

often

chosen

to

be

the

female.

Attempts

at

developing

two-sex

models

have

not

been

satisfying.

This

situation

does

not

make

demographers

4

Document info
Document views147
Page views147
Page last viewedSun Dec 11 02:30:38 UTC 2016
Pages49
Paragraphs3758
Words11605

Comments