adopted a Constitution for the Republic that designated it as a "democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry." However, there was no pretence that the Soviet was anything other than a communist one-party dictatorship. In the remote rural area there were no industrial workers, the proletariat consisted almost entirely of village artisans, handicraftsmen, and farm laborers. This notwithstadning, the Constitution acknowledged that "only the proletariat can lead the broad masses to socialism," and thus they were to have extra representation in the Soviet.
The most important piece of legislation passed was the Land Law. This moderated previous policy but radical swings in policy towards peasants alienated many and provides a good example of how policy driven by ideology could undermine support for the CCP in specific contexts. On arriving in Jiangxi, the party had adopted a radical policy that had alienated groups such as the middle and rich peasants who were crucial to CCP survival. The CCP had decided that land redistribution was crucial to ensuring peasant support in their resistance to the GMD, but changes in land ownership based on strict class definitions caused unforeseen economic and social problems that in turn led to further readjustment. Thus, the Soviet Land Law contained prescriptions more liberal than previous policy and did not mention land nationalization and collectivization. It represented a deliberate attempt to woo back the alienated "middle classes." However, later, between June and September 1933, many "middle peasants" were reclassified as "landlords" with serious consequences for them. This was between the fourth and fifth suppression campaigns launched by Chiang Kai-shek. This re-radicalization of policy began with the Land Investigation Movement that was again intended to ensure peasant support in the conflict with the GMD. The CCP sought to use the Movement to create a favorable revolutionary atmosphere that would serve their political and military purposes. However, constant changes in land ownership caused social and economic problems within the base area, and excesses would often occur. This required periodic retrenchment and the adoption of a mild or "antileftist" policy. Thus, between October and December, the new "landlords" were demoted to the ranks of "middle peasants." Finally, in early 1934, policy was radicalized once again with attacks on the "rich peasants." This merry-go-round was only halted with the expulsion of the communist forces from their base area.
The Fourth Suppression Campaign reached the Jiangxi Soviet in January 1933 just as the remainder of the Party Center headed by Bo Gu was moving in. The E-Yu-Wan Soviet had been lost in September 1932 and the Xiang-Exi Soviet in October 1932. Although, the Jiangxi Soviet held out, a better organized fifth campaign began in October 1933. This came at a bad time for the CCP as it was not only engaged in the Land Investigation Movement but also a major inner party struggle usually referred to as the anti-Luo Ming line. The attacks on Luo and his supporters were intended to strengthen the resolve of party cadres in face of the GMD attacks. Luo had been acting secretary of the Fujian CCP Committee since March 1932 and had claimed that the GMD attacks had caused panic and fatigue in west Fujian. He blamed the party leadership for its mechanistic approach to resisting the GMD, applying the same tactics in all areas, and called for flexible military tactics to be adopted that were tailored to suit the varying conditions. While Luo was clearly referring to the local situation, it served the Party Center’s interests to interpret his