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them the first year of the plan. They paid us low prices, and we couldn’t break the

contract.” In spite of this problem, the cooperative did profit from the logging operation.

They paid for a new management plan in 2002 using money saved from the

previous logging. The plan was awaiting approval when the author last visited the

community. The new plan specified a system of thinning which removes trees of all

diameter classes rather than the most mature trees. Resineros in the cooperative were

apprehensive about the new plan because of the loss of current and future resin-producing

trees. “My plot is very old already. There are trees marked for harvest that I could tap in

a few years.” AFE/COHDEFOR was not willing to allow changes in the management

plan to accommodate the resineros.

Chaguite Grande harvested timber sporadically in the late 1980s and through the

1990s using local sales through COHDEFOR. They initially received training in logging

techniques from SIFE. Quebrada Honda also harvested infrequently in that time period.

The cooperatives were not invited to participate in the logging activities contained in the

MAFOR management plan, which went into effect in 1998. The logging groups that

implemented the harvesting from the management plan had to pay a 210,000 Lp. bond

between the four groups as a guarantee of compliance with the management plan. All

other resources were provided by the project. MAFOR used the model of small logging

groups based on earlier experiences in municipalities where no cooperatives existed.

After the groups lost their permission to harvest, they forfeited the 210,000 Lp. bond to

the local sawmill owner, who had initially lent them the money.

The attempts at repairing the damages caused by the logging groups did not

appear to work. At the end of 2002, the Chaguite Grande Cooperative was tapping resin


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